There were several audiences in mind. For Washington, it was a response to ongoing trade tensions, projecting China as a responsible global actor. For Taiwan, the sophisticated military hardware on display was a reminder that while Beijing speaks of peaceful unification with the self-ruled island, force always remains an option. And for his own people, Xi cast the Communist Party as the reliable architect of the nation’s rise from impoverishment to international powerhouse, despite current economic weakness.
For countries attending, the event showcased not only China’s might but also its accelerating military modernization. Xi’s speech reinforced that, noting “the Chinese nation is a great nation that does not fear power and intimidation and is determined to stand self-reliant and strong.” Foreign dignitaries could hardly miss the subtext: Aligning with China brings the security of a power increasingly capable of backing its friends. Better to stay on Beijing’s good side.
Marking 80 years since Japan’s formal surrender in World War II, Beijing used the event to present its own version of history, one where the Communist Party was a victor equal to the US — even though the CCP didn’t take power until four years after Japan’s surrender.
The parade follows the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Tianjin, where Xi hosted India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin, highlighting China’s expanding diplomatic reach.
But the enduring images from the spectacle were of the Chinese leader, standing side-by-side with Putin and North Korea’s Kim Jong Un at Beijing’s Tiananmen Gate. Kim made a rare trip to Beijing on his private train to attend the event. It was the first joint public appearance of the three strongmen in a show of defiance against the US-led world order. President Donald Trump weighed in with a snarky social media post, accusing the three of conspiring against the US. He’s historically dismissed concerns that China could mount any challenge to American dominance. The parade was intended to do precisely that, symbolically at least. Also in attendance were Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian, joining Russia and North Korea in what some have dubbed the Axis of Upheaval, supporting actors in Beijing’s strategy of forging an alternative international coalition. They are natural partners, sharing an affection for authoritarianism and the suppression of dissent. Xi is offering them an alternative vision for the future, one where human rights takes a back seat, and might is always right.
Equally notable was the presence of Southeast Asian leaders. Alongside Myanmar, Laos, Vietnam, and Cambodia were Indonesia’s Prabowo Subianto, (fresh from deadly protests at home over rising frustration with his government) and Malaysia’s Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, meaning more than half of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations were represented. It was a striking reminder of Beijing’s sway across the region, despite overlapping territorial disputes in the South China Sea.
A strong military helps to keep friends in line. A wealth of new weapons were on display, from hypersonic and air defense missiles to drones and robotic dogs. China also showed off equipment for a potential Taiwan conflict, as Becca Wasser, defense lead at Bloomberg Economics notes, which appeared to be specifically focused on maritime operations in the Strait.
These included YJ-series anti-ship hypersonic missiles, what looked like an optionally crewed drone boat, and an extra-large uncrewed underwater vehicle, all of which could be useful in blockades or quarantines. Nuclear capabilities were also highlighted, including next generation intercontinental ballistic missiles. Notably, the JL-3, which can be deployed in submarines, means that China now has all three legs of a nuclear triad — air, ground and sea-launched nuclear missiles — to defend its interests, Wasser said. Some machines were clearly labeled so designations would be visible on camera.
Despite all that, China still falls short of being able to defeat the US should it step in to defend Taiwan, Wasser notes. But, she adds, Beijing is closer than ever in closing the gap with the American military.
The show of strength was also about domestic messaging. The Chinese economy is faltering under the strain of its trade war with Washington, so Xi turned to nationalism to reinforce legitimacy at home. “This is about building national pride — much like the 2008 Olympics, but through military power,” Dylan Loh, associate professor with the School of Social Sciences at the Singapore-based Nanyang Technological University, told me.
It’s a sentiment that resonates. Nine in 10 Chinese support their country’s active participation in world affairs, according to new research conducted by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and The Carter Center. Nearly all respondents said they believe their country is already in a strong global position. Most expect it to grow more powerful in the next five years.
That confidence contrasts sharply with declining US public support for international engagement. A Pew Research Center survey in May showed that just under half of Americans asked believe it’s best for the future of the country to be active in world affairs.
This inertia comes at a cost. A recent report looking at American military capability in the face of a potential Chinese invasion of Taiwan warned of catastrophic losses. A fundamental rethink of strategy in the Indo-Pacific may be necessary, one that might include a massive expansion of US forces in the region, however unlikely that may seem under the Trump administration.
The outlook could still change. China’s friends are vulnerable, with Russia deep in its war in Ukraine, and North Korea mired in an economic crisis. Meanwhile, the US has strong allies and partners in the region, including Japan, South Korea, the Philippines and Singapore.
But maintaining American supremacy will require a fresh approach. Beijing is no longer content to follow the rules of the existing order. It wants to rewrite them.
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this column are that of the writer. The facts and opinions expressed here do not reflect the views of www.economictimes.com.)
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