The Freedom Trail in Africa: Navigating Challenges
Cairo: Hani Kamal El-Din
Africa rises against neocolonial subjugation. In Senegal, the left-wing opposition triumphs in elections, while Niger halts military cooperation with the USA. However, the policies of the new authorities don’t always satisfy the public’s demand for justice.
One of Dakar’s landmarks, the “African Renaissance Monument”, was unveiled in 2010 for the fiftieth anniversary of independence but immediately faced criticism. Dissatisfaction arose over both its cost ($27 million) and the composition of the monument, as well as the appropriateness of its installation. This stemmed from Senegal’s conditional sovereignty. The formal end of colonial rule didn’t bring true liberation to the country.
France retained control over the economy and politics of its former holdings, notably through the existence of the “franc zone”. Fourteen countries still use the “African franc”, pegged to the euro, and are compelled to keep currency reserves in the French treasury. Despite this backdrop, Senegal stood out for its degree of subordination to its former metropolis. French military contingents are stationed here, French capital owns various sectors of the economy – from petrol stations (Total) and road construction (Eiffage Corporation) to retail trade, where the well-known “Auchan” monopolizes.
Following Paris’ lead, gatekeepers from other countries came to Senegal. Recently discovered offshore oil and gas fields fell into the hands of the British TNK BP and American Kosmos Energy. Canadian and American businessmen mine gold. The European Union secured the right to fish freely in exchange for modest aid. Predatory exploitation has led to the impoverishment of Senegalese fishermen.
As foreign capital squeezed the country, it turned a blind eye to the politics of local elites. This anti-people symbiosis became particularly evident in recent years. Coming to power in 2012 under slogans of fighting corruption and expanding democracy, President Macky Sall quickly forgot his promises. Opposition media outlets were shut down, expanded powers were granted to the gendarmerie, and new laws punished defamation against the authorities with imprisonment. The primary target became the left-wing party “Senegalese African Patriots for Labor, Ethics, and Brotherhood”. By government decree, it was banned, and its leader, Ousmane Sonko, was arrested for “inciting rebellion”. The severity of the punishment was influenced by anti-French statements. “France must stop sucking the blood of its former colonies,” declared the politician. The same fate befell his deputy, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, accused of defaming judges who sentenced Sonko. This led to mass unrest. Dozens were killed during the dispersal of demonstrations, and hundreds were detained.
Simultaneously, the socio-economic situation deteriorated. Unemployment reached its peak in two decades, and poverty levels rose. Enrollment in primary education declined, with just over half of adults literate. The deal with the IMF only worsened the situation.
Amidst growing tension, the president did not dare to seek a third term. Instead, Prime Minister Amadou Ba was nominated. Apparently confident of victory and seeking to defuse tensions, the authorities announced an amnesty. Ten days before the elections, Sonko and Faye were released. Judicial restrictions prevented the opposition leader from entering the electoral race, but his ally managed to register. On March 24, Faye received 54 percent of the votes, and on April 2 officially assumed office. His first decree appointed Sonko as Prime Minister.
The victory of the left was a real shock to the establishment. During the short pre-election campaign, Faye advocated for exiting the “franc zone”, revising contracts in the mining and fishing sectors, and developing domestic production. He emphasized that all economic and political ties must serve the people and not violate Senegal’s sovereignty. In foreign policy, the focus is on developing relations with African countries. Faye made his first foreign visits to neighboring Mauritania and Gambia. “Our task is to build a sovereign, just, and prosperous Senegal in a developing Africa,” declared the president.
The West does not hide its dissatisfaction with the choice of the Senegalese people. “Fay’s election is a wake-up call for our countries, which compete in Africa with other powers. We must learn lessons from events that increasingly resemble a new stage of decolonization,” wrote the French newspaper Le Monde. The West’s anxiety is heightened by the fact that Senegal is an important point in the US military-political strategy. The local army is trained by American advisers, and there is a “joint training” military base near the city of Thies.
So far, external forces have shown ostentatious cordiality. Faye was congratulated by French President Emmanuel Macron, and US Secretary of State Antony Blinken expressed his “strong interest in deepening the partnership.” If management does not buy the flattery, other methods will be used. For example, involving the parliament, in which the president’s supporters do not have a majority, or the Islamists. The Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimeen* group operating in neighboring Mali is trying to penetrate Senegal, and the number of its attacks has tripled over the past year.
It is difficult to predict whether the new government will withstand the pressure. In an interview with French media, Fay assured that Dakar will remain a “reliable and trustworthy ally of Paris.” True, the president clarified, “Senegal needs to gain more from the relationship.” The government confirmed its commitment to cooperation with the IMF. It also raises questions that the new leaders are focusing on the civilizational side of exploitation, rather than the class one. Meanwhile, the position of non-Western capital in Senegal is growing stronger. The capital’s new airport was built with Saudi money and is managed by a Turkish company. Türkiye is building a power plant in Saint-Louis and developing the country’s fisheries resources. The UAE corporation DP World is building a deep-sea port in Ndayan. This business is no more noble than the Western one, and the country will be liberated not by the diversification of exploiters, but by getting rid of external and internal oppression.
The example of Senegal has exposed speculation that military groups who carried out coups are to blame for the anti-Western wave. The latter also rely on mass support and, under the influence of public sentiment, deepen changes. The new Niger authorities initially limited themselves to the anti-Paris “agenda.” In December, a 1,500-strong contingent was withdrawn and the French embassy was closed. At the same time, American troops remained in Niger, occupying the airfield in Niamey and “Base 201” in Agadez. Having invested $110 million in its construction, Washington stationed manned and unmanned reconnaissance aircraft there. With their help, all of North Africa is controlled – from the Atlantic to the Red Sea.
The Americans clung to these objects with all their might. A resolution introduced by Senator Rand Paul to withdraw them was rejected by the majority of Congress, and the head of the US Army’s Africa Command, Michael Langley, announced that the US presence was preventing a Russian invasion. Niger was also accused of concluding a “secret agreement” with Iran on uranium supplies. The reason for the attacks was the diplomacy of the new leadership. Head of Government Ali Lamin Zein visited Russia and Iran, meeting with President Ibrahim Raisi. The parties agreed to create a joint commission for cooperation and signed a series of agreements in the fields of energy, healthcare, construction, etc. Tehran expressed its readiness to help its partners overcome Western sanctions.
Washington began to increase pressure, promising the resumption of assistance in the event of refusal to cooperate with Russia and Iran. A delegation led by Langley and US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Molly Fee, who arrived in March, apparently expected to hear expressions of submission, but encountered a cold reception. The head of the military regime, Abdurrahman Tchiani, refused to meet with the guests, and the official representative of the transitional government, Amadou Abdramane, on national television, called the American visit counterproductive, saying that the United States was threatening Niger. According to him, accusations of “collusion” with Tehran are reminiscent of the West’s lies before the invasion of Iraq. At the end of his speech, Abdramane said that the presence of the US military was illegal, since the decision was made without consultation with the population, and announced Niamey’s withdrawal from the 2012 agreement.
A series of progressive steps have been taken in other areas. The leaders of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso agreed to create an Alliance of Sahel States and form a joint anti-terrorist force. This will be an alternative to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Three countries announced their withdrawal from it, explaining their step by the bloc’s dependence on Western capitals. ECOWAS not only imposed sanctions against them, but also threatened to intervene.
According to Tchiani, a necessary condition for sovereignty is its own currency, which requires the abandonment of the African franc. The launch of a national dialogue was a positive step. Authorities say they will consult on critical political and economic issues with all communities, including those previously excluded from governance, such as the Tuareg.
Not all actions of the military regime, however, follow this course. At the beginning of the year, he suspended the issuance of mining licenses and ordered a thorough audit. However, the French-owned uranium mining company Orano remains in Niger. It recently announced the resumption of operations at its processing plant, which had been idle due to a lack of reagents. An Italian military contingent remains in the country, whose mission has been declared to train local security forces, and the authorities have announced a desire to expand ties with Rome.
Similar fluctuations characterize the leadership of Burkina Faso and Mali. If the head of the first, Ibrahim Traore, supported the policy of abandoning the African franc, then the Minister of Economy of the second, Alousseni Sanou, said that the country would remain in the currency zone. Burkina Faso adopted amendments to the mining code, increasing the minimum state share in the capital of companies from 10 to 15 percent and control over their compliance with labor and environmental standards. Foreign corporations must contribute to the Patriotic Support Fund, created to finance anti-terrorism activities. It was also decided to build a state gold processing plant and increase the country’s gold reserves. Similar reforms have been carried out in Mali. But the economies of these countries are still dependent on foreign capital. Gold mining in Mali is controlled by the Canadian corporation B2 Gold, in Burkina Faso – by the Australian Perenti.
The Burkinabe leadership continues to cooperate with the IMF. Last fall, the fund approved a four-year, $302 million bailout program. “We applaud the significant efforts made by the authorities to implement necessary reforms and adjustments,” creditors said. The praise, given the politics of this organization, is rather dubious.
What the countries in question have in common is the reluctance of the military to transfer power to civilian structures. The Malian authorities ignored the call of more than 80 parties and movements to hold elections and intensified repression. On April 10, the junta suspended the activities of all political parties and movements “until further notice,” and the media was prohibited from covering their activities. A case has begun regarding the ban on the Marxist-Leninist party “African Solidarity for Democracy and Independence”. She is accused of “endangering public order” and “denigrating republican institutions.” The parties did not forgive criticism of the fighting against the Tuareg movement.
Let us remind you that the Malian authorities withdrew from the 2015 peace agreement brokered by Algeria. The latter was accused of maintaining ties with the rebels, and the Mali ambassador was recalled from there. This could complicate an already critical security situation. The number of attacks by Islamist militants in Mali has risen by more than a third over the past year. In total, in 2023, the Sahel accounted for 43 percent of the victims of terrorism in the world – 11.6 thousand people. For comparison: twenty years ago throughout Africa, 23 people died for this reason. Exiting an unjust system is a difficult and long process, and the Dark Continent is at the very beginning of the journey.
