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Trump’s call for Israel to ‘finish up’ Gaza war ‘shocks’ some on the right

Trump aides insisted this was a misinterpretation. A campaign spokesperson, Karoline Leavitt, said that Trump “fully supports Israel’s right to defend itself and eliminate the terrorist threat,” but that Israel’s interests would be “best served by completing this mission as quickly, decisively and humanely as possible so that the region can return to peace and stability​.”

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But there is no getting around the division between Trump and congressional Republicans, who seem to be competing to see who can more ostentatiously demonstrate support for Netanyahu’s government. They are flying to Israel to meet with Netanyahu, planning to invite him to address Congress and generally urging Israel to do whatever it takes, for as long as it takes, to annihilate Hamas.

In contrast, Trump’s hedging commentary to Israel Hayom is only the latest in a long line of public statements he has made to undercut Netanyahu, whom he has still not forgiven for congratulating Biden as the winner of the 2020 election.

In 2021, Trump told Axios journalist Barak Ravid that he had concluded that Netanyahu “never wanted peace” with the Palestinians.

Trump’s first reaction to the October 7 Hamas terrorist attack was to criticise Netanyahu and Israeli intelligence services. Advisers privately pleaded with him to clean up his comments and he quickly turned to standard lines of support for Israel’s right to defend itself.

The ambiguity of Trump’s rhetoric about the Israel-Hamas war has let different audiences hear what they want in his public statements. He has said nothing of substance about what he would do differently from Biden on Israel policy if he were president, and his team again refused to get into specifics when questioned by The New York Times.

Palestinians inspect the ruins of a residential building for the Abu Muammar family after an Israeli airstrike in Rafah.Credit: AP

Given that void, right-wing supporters of Israel and Israelis like Kahana are parsing every utterance from Trump, worried that in a second term he might not be as reliable an ally as he was in his first term, when he gave Netanyahu nearly everything he wanted, including moving the US Embassy to Jerusalem and recognising Israel’s sovereignty over the Golan Heights.

“Those who support Trump and also are deeply supportive of Israel’s efforts to win the war with Hamas have to reconcile themselves with the fact that at a crucial moment when the administration seems to be speaking out of both sides of its mouth, and creating a sense of instability in the relationship between the United States and Israel, Trump exacerbated that instability as the putative nominee of the other party,” said John Podhoretz, the editor of Commentary magazine and a former speechwriter for Ronald Reagan.

“The only difference between Trump and Biden — and I say this as somebody who is not a supporter of Biden — is that Biden has put his money where his mouth is. He’s been sending arms,” Podhoretz added.

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“So that would seem to suggest that operationally, the problem with Biden is rhetoric and not policy. And all Trump is is rhetoric, and he’s not laying out any policy that should make anybody feel good.”

Trump’s former ambassador to Israel, David M. Friedman, insisted in an interview that people were misreading Trump’s statements.

While he said he respected Kahana, Friedman suggested the reporter had over-interpreted Trump’s remarks: “I understand the fear of Republican isolationism because there is a vein within the Republican Party that moves in that direction, but I didn’t hear him to say what he said. I heard him to say, ‘Finish the job’ — meaning defeat Hamas, defeat them decisively, defeat them as quickly as possible. And then move on.”

Some of Trump’s former advisers have filled the Trump policy vacuum with their own ideas to resolve the conflict. His son-in-law Jared Kushner, who has pursued foreign deals using relationships he built during the Trump administration, said at a Harvard University forum in February that “Gaza’s waterfront property could be very valuable” and that Palestinians should be “moved out” and transported to an area in the Negev Desert in southern Israel that would be bulldozed to accommodate them.

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Friedman has gone much further than Kushner, who seemed to be only musing. Friedman has developed a proposal for Israel to claim full sovereignty over the West Bank — definitively ending the possibility of a two-state solution. West Bank Palestinians who have been living under Israeli military occupation since 1967 would not be given Israeli citizenship under the plan, Friedman confirmed in the interview.

It’s far from clear whether Trump would support this, though he did tell the Israeli interviewers that he planned to meet with Friedman to hear his ideas. Friedman said he had not yet discussed his plan with Trump.

Unlike Friedman, Trump has long clung to the possibility of a grand bargain between Israel and the Palestinians, insisting that only he can broker the “deal of the century.” Still, while in office, Trump acted so lopsidedly in favour of Israel that a two-state solution that would be acceptable to the Palestinians was never realistic.

John Bolton, a former national security adviser to Trump, who has become a sharp critic, said that Trump’s interview with Israel Hayom “proves the point that I’ve tried to explain to people: that Trump’s support for Israel in the first term is not guaranteed in the second term, because Trump’s positions are made on the basis of what’s good for Donald Trump, not on some coherent theory of national security.”

“What he said in this most recent interview was ambiguous to a certain extent, but it seemed to me to be verging on negative about Israel’s conduct of the war,” Bolton said in an interview. “And I think there’s more there than meets the eye.”

“What matters to Trump more than anything else is how you look in the press. So forget the justice of it,” he added. “It just looks bad.”

The way Bolton sees it, when his former boss warns Netanyahu that his image is failing, “he’s not worried about Israel’s image. He’s worried about his if he has to defend it.”

This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

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